Οι φοιτητές παραμένουν δυνατοί στην επιθυμία τους να παλέψουν και να νικήσουν το νομοσχέδιο, όπως έχουν δείξει με τις καταλήψεις και τις διαδηλώσεις της Πέμπτης, αλλά το κίνημα έχει κολλήσει. Εν τω μεταξύ, η κυβέρνηση έχει προωθήσει τις επιθέσεις της σιγά-σιγά: πρώτα με την εισαγγελική έρευνα στους καθηγητές που αρνήθηκαν να κάνουν διαδικτυακά μαθήματα, μετά θέτοντας σε δημόσια διαβούλευση το νομοσχέδιο, έπειτα με τη δίωξη των εργαζομένων που έκλεισαν τον σέρβερ και την απόλυση ενός και με το σπάσιμο της κατάληψης στη Θεσσαλονίκη. Οι φοιτητές στη Θεσσαλονίκη αντιστάθηκαν και κατέλαβαν εκ νέου το πανεπιστήμιο. Όμως η κυβέρνηση θα φέρει το νομοσχέδιο προς ψήφιση στις 8 Μαρτίου και στη συνέχεια στοχεύει να επιτεθεί κατά της δευτεροβάθμιας εκπαίδευσης. Δεν υπάρχει χρόνος για χάσιμο! Πρέπει να κρατήσουμε και να ενισχύσουμε τις δυνάμεις μας τώρα. Είναι επείγον να βγάλουμε τους μαθητές έξω! Αυτό θα βοηθήσει να αναζωπυρώσουμε και να χτίσουμε το κίνημά μας. Θα στείλει ένα ξεκάθαρο μήνυμα στους εργάτες: το κίνημά μας είναι ισχυρό, ελάτε μαζί μας!

Τι είναι λοιπόν αυτό που κρατάει το κίνημα πίσω; Ο σεχταρισμός έχει σακατέψει την ενότητα του αγώνα και έχει διχάσει τους φοιτητές. Από πολύ νωρίς, οι καταλήψεις ήταν διασπασμένες ανάμεσα στην ΚΝΕ και τα ΕΑΑΚ. Στη συνέχεια, υπήρξε η βίαιη συμπλοκή που ξέσπασε στη διαδήλωση στις 8 Φεβρουαρίου ανάμεσα στην ΚΝΕ και την ΑΡΑΣ για το ποιος θα ήταν επικεφαλής της πορείας. Καμία βία στο εργατικό κίνημα! Αυτό δείχνει ότι νοιάζονται περισσότερο για το γόητρο των οργανώσεών τους παρά για την προώθηση του κινήματος στο σύνολό του.

Αλλά το πιο θεμελιώδες είναι ότι το ΚΚΕ και η Αριστερά κρατούν τους φοιτητικούς αγώνες σε στενά πλαίσια, γιατί αρνούνται να τους συνδέσουν με τον απαραίτητο αγώνα των εργατών ενάντια στην ιμπεριαλιστική υποδούλωση, που βρίσκεται στην καρδιά τόσο του εκπαιδευτικού νομοσχεδίου όσο και των επιθέσεων στην εργατική τάξη. Απορρίπτουν να μετατρέψουν αυτή την πάλη σε μια ευρύτερη κοινωνική πάλη, που είναι αυτό που χρειαζόμαστε για να νικήσουμε. Από την αρχή επιμείναμε ότι πρέπει να συνδέσουμε την πάλη για δωρεάν ποιοτική εκπαίδευση για όλους με την πάλη για καλύτερες συνθήκες εργασίας και διαβίωσης. Οι εργάτες, οι αγρότες και οι φοιτητές πρέπει να παλέψουμε μαζί για να σκίσουμε τα μνημόνια, να διαγράψουμε το χρέος και να βγούμε από την ΕΕ/ευρώ τώρα! Μόνο αυτό το κομμουνιστικό πρόγραμμα μπορεί να φέρει πραγματική ενότητα και να διευρύνει την πάλη. Μπορούμε ακόμα να αλλάξουμε την πορεία του αγώνα, αλλά πρέπει να βιαστούμε! (περισσότερα)

Printed below is a translation of a February 3 supplement of El Antiimperialista, publication of the Grupo Espartaquista de México, the ICL’s Mexican section.

The victory of the Audi workers strike, which confronts Volkswagen-Audi, one of the most important imperialist auto monopolies in the world, is in the interest of all Mexican workers. To increase its profits and maintain its global competitiveness, this huge German monopoly makes use of the U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) looting imposed by U.S. imperialism.

Besides how close it is to the U.S., Mexico’s appeal for the imperialists—whether U.S., German, or others—is precisely its workforce that is both skilled and cheap. The conditions of super-exploitation of Mexican workers are rooted, first of all, in the subjugation of the nation by its northern imperialist neighbor, whose main tool today is the USMCA. The U.S. imperialists and their allies can’t manage to cover all their fronts (Ukraine, Palestine, China) and they (in particular German imperialism) face one crisis after another. Now is the time to strike a blow! (read more)

The ILWU leadership likes to boast that the union’s wages and benefits are among the highest a worker in this country can get. They are. Getting them is the problem. Many years must be spent as a casual, scrambling to get any work at all, at lower wages and with no health benefits. And then more years as a B-man, mainly working lower-paid, backbreaking tractor jobs. Casuals and B’s are not even allowed to be union members. Those who survive get their A-book; but even as A-men, longshore workers pay a heavy price. Many destroy their bodies working skilled heavy equipment or double and triple shifts to make up for the years they were on the bottom rungs. To regularly work the most highly paid crane and mechanic jobs takes another negative trade-off: being directly hired by the terminal owners as a steady man. This takes jobs away from the union hiring hall and leaves the steadies dependent on the good will of the bosses.

These divisions in the workforce pit different tiers against each other in a struggle to survive, eating away at the very fabric of the union and its capacity to fight for the interests of the workforce as a whole. Safety, in what is a deadly dangerous industry, goes by the boards as everyone works harder and faster to get—or stay—ahead. The ILWU leadership, which works with the PMA to enforce the tier system, says that the lower tiers are a necessary “apprenticeship.” But what kind of apprenticeship program provides little work and minimal company-paid training? Even many A-men don’t have access to the highest-paid mechanic jobs, which mainly go to those who got their training outside the industry.

Why should A-men literally work themselves to death, with many not even living long enough to collect their pensions, while the casuals struggle to get one or two shifts a month? Many casuals are the children or other relatives of A-men. Everyone wants their kids to get ahead, not to have to work multiple jobs to try to survive. ILWU Local 10 now has 1,000 casuals, almost as many as the number of A-men. Either the union fights to end the tier system by bringing up the casuals, B’s and A’s alike or the PMA will try to use the casuals, desperate for work, as a battering ram against the union. (read more)

Below is a transcript of the presentation by Eibhlin McColgan of the SL to the 3 February 2024 TUSC Convention in Birmingham, edited for publication.

Thank you comrades, I appreciate being given the time to explain why the Spartacist League has applied to participate in TUSC’s election campaign. We think it is a good initiative. We agree with TUSC comrades — it absolutely is in the interests of the working class to have a socialist opposition to Starmer’s Labour in the election. We welcome TUSC’s campaign because it draws a class line against Starmer. We are prepared to build that campaign and to make it successful. We would like to stand a candidate under the TUSC banner; we are prepared to campaign for and vote for TUSC candidates where possible.

We agree that TUSC’s core policies are a minimum that voters would expect from a socialist campaign. We have two amendments to be debated under the next agenda point: we think we should only vote for left MPs who oppose a Starmer government and we’re opposed to supporting prison guards. But, to answer Comrade Nellist’s question, even if our amendments are voted down we are still prepared to run as TUSC candidates and support TUSC’s initiative.

We very much appreciate that TUSC gives participating organisations the autonomy to run their own independent campaigns. The turnout here today is disappointing: we think all the other left groups should join forces in a united electoral opposition to Starmer, fight together for the things that we agree on, while presenting their own independent views.

I want to explain our independent campaign and show how it’s different from TUSC’s. At the same time I will show that adding our programme to the TUSC campaign will build up TUSC and strengthen it as a working-class opposition to Starmer.(read on)

La victoria de la huelga de los obreros de Audi, que enfrentan a uno de los monopolios imperialistas automotrices más importantes del mundo, VW-Audi, está en el interés de todos los trabajadores mexicanos. Para aumentar sus ganancias y mantener su competitividad global, este enorme monopolio alemán aprovecha la rapiña del T-MEC impuesta por el imperialismo estadounidense.

Además de su vecindad con EE.UU., el atractivo de México para los imperialistas, sean estadounidenses, alemanes, u otros, es precisamente su mano de obra a la vez calificada y barata. Las condiciones de superexplotación de los trabajadores mexicanos tienen raíz, primero que nada, en la subyugación del país al vecino imperialista del norte, cuyo principal vehículo hoy día es el T-MEC. Los imperialistas estadounidenses y sus aliados no alcanzan a cubrir sus frentes (Ucrania, Palestina, China) y enfrentan una crisis tras otra (en particular el imperialismo alemán). ¡Es el momento de golpear!

(continuar leyendo)

Comrades from the ICL were excited to be able to take part in the Lenin Centenary Conference that was held in January in Abuja, Nigeria. Our interventions centred on motivating Leninism as the only road forward for struggles in the neocolonial world (see interview below with Africa Independent Television). We appreciate the efforts of the organisers to put on this event and give us the opportunity to participate. Notwithstanding our clear differences—including with the Conference Declaration that was issued—we look forward to future opportunities to collaborate in struggles where we agree and to take part in ongoing discussions to clarify the differences.

Argentina has been in a deep crisis for decades with no end in sight. The Argentine people confront rampant hyperinflation, poverty wages, attacks on basic labor rights and the weight of an exorbitant debt on their backs. The election of right-winger Milei was a reactionary response to the desperate situation of the masses and to a country in ruins. Subjugation to imperialism is the cause of the crisis and, in fact, what determines every aspect of the social, political and economic life of the country. Various Peronista governments—responsible for administering the oppression, plunder and humiliation of Argentina at the hands of the imperialists—are the ones who have paved the way for Milei.

The program of Peronismo has shown at every step its inability to carry the struggle against imperialist domination to the end, and historically it has been the main obstacle to this task. On the one hand, some of the measures that the Peronistas have taken, such as restrictions on imports and the fact that they’ve maintained the nationalizations of key sectors of industry, have been enough to anger the imperialists. With these measures, the Argentine bourgeoisie seeks to wrest a little independence. On the other hand, developing the country and getting it out of crisis requires breaking with the imperialists, something the Peronistas are neither willing nor able to do. Thus, the Peronistas’ half-measures infuriate imperialism while keeping the Argentine people impoverished, plunging the country into chaos. Milei’s appeal was that he offered a break with the status quo by aligning himself fully behind U.S. imperialism, sweeping away all obstacles to foreign investment, taking more money from the IMF, dollarizing the economy and privatizing all state industry.

The CGT and other labor federations have called for a nationwide general strike on January 24. However, the union bureaucracy’s whole strategy does not offer any answer as to how to get out of the crisis facing Argentina. They want to stop Milei’s attacks and reforms without having any solution to the cause of the problem: imperialist subjugation. They try to alleviate the symptoms without attacking the disease. This perspective necessarily looks to return to the populist status quo that led to Milei’s rise in the first place. Fighting Milei with the Peronistas only guarantees the continuation of the cycle of imperialist humiliation. The fight against Milei requires unleashing the only force capable of defeating imperialism: the Argentine proletariat. But Peronismo will never do this because the revolutionary mobilization of the working class would threaten the very system of private property that it represents, calling into question the very existence of the Argentine bourgeoisie. (read more)

Argentina lleva décadas sumergida en una profunda crisis y no parece tocar fondo. El pueblo argentino enfrenta una hiperinflación rampante, salarios de miseria, ataques contra derechos laborales elementales y la carga de una exorbitante deuda sobre sus espaldas. La elección del derechista Milei ha sido una respuesta reaccionaria a esta situación desesperada de las masas y a un país en ruinas. La subyugación al imperialismo es la causa de la crisis y, de hecho, lo que determina cada aspecto de la vida social, política y económica del país. Han sido los diversos gobiernos peronistas, responsables de administrar la opresión, la expoliación y la vejación de Argentina a manos de los imperialistas, los que han pavimentado el camino para Milei.

El programa del peronismo ha mostrado a cada paso su incapacidad para llevar hasta el final la lucha contra la dominación imperialista, e históricamente se ha erigido como el principal obstáculo a esta tarea. Por un lado, algunas de las medidas que los peronistas han tomado, como las restricciones a las importaciones, y que hayan mantenido las nacionalizaciones de sectores clave de la industria ha sido suficiente para hacer enojar a los imperialistas, ya que con esto la burguesía argentina busca arrancar un poco de independencia. Por otro lado, desarrollar al país y sacarlo de la crisis requiere romper con los imperialistas, algo que los peronistas no quieren ni pueden hacer. Así, las medias tintas de los peronistas enfurecen al imperialismo mientras mantienen al pueblo argentino pauperizado, sumiendo al país en el caos. El atractivo de Milei fue que ofreció una ruptura con el statu quo —alineándose plenamente tras el imperialismo estadounidense, barriendo todas las trabas a la inversión extranjera, tomando más dinero del FMI, dolarizando la economía y privatizando toda la industria estatal—.

La CGT y demás centrales obreras han llamado a movilizarse en un paro nacional el 24 de enero. Sin embargo, la estrategia entera de la burocracia sindical no ofrece respuesta alguna de cómo salir de la crisis que enfrenta Argentina. Buscan detener los ataques y las reformas de Milei sin tener una solución a la causa del problema: la subyugación imperialista. Tratan de aliviar los síntomas sin atentar contra la enfermedad. Necesariamente, esta perspectiva apunta a regresar al statu quo populista que llevó al ascenso de Milei en primera instancia. Combatir a Milei con los peronistas no hace sino garantizar la continuación del ciclo de humillación imperialista. La lucha contra Milei requiere desatar a la única fuerza capaz de derrotar al imperialismo: el proletariado argentino. Pero el peronismo jamás hará esto porque la movilización revolucionaria de la clase obrera amenazaría al mismo sistema de propiedad privada que ellos representan, poniendo en entredicho la existencia misma de la burguesía argentina. (continuar leyendo)

In the January 13 debate between the ICL and LFI, entitled “The Fight for the Fourth International Today,” the ICL provided an answer to the problem of revolutionary leadership and a road forward on key questions, from Palestine and China to the fight against imperialist oppression. The LFI for its part showed that it has no serious answers to advance the interests of the international proletariat. ICL bashing was the LFI’s core platform. They denied the existence of hegemonic U.S. imperialism’s liberal order in the post-Soviet period and put forward no way to break the working class and oppressed from their liberal and reformist misleadership. Instead, they regurgitated timeless Marxoid mantras while at the same time capitulating to liberalism, Stalinism and trade unionism. They also rejected the essence of permanent revolution by denying both the centrality of the national liberation struggle as a motor force for socialist revolution and the necessity for communist leadership of the anti-imperialist struggle in the neocolonial world. This culminated in the grotesque claim that Greece is a sub-imperialist power, not an oppressed country under the boot of U.S. and German imperialism.… (Read more)

Bei der jährlichen Demonstration zu Ehren von Lenin, Liebknecht und Luxemburg am 14. Januar gab es massive Angriffe der Polizei auf den pro-palästinensischen Block. Viele linke Demoteilnehmer wurden von der Polizei brutal attackiert, 16 davon krankenhausreif geschlagen, mindestens eine Person schwer verletzt und 16 Leute festgenommen. Dies ist eine Fortsetzung der seit Monaten andauernden hysterischen Staatsrepression im Dienste der pro-zionistischen Politik der kapitalistischen Herrscher und ihrer Ampel-Regierung. Berlins SPD-Innensenatorin Iris Spranger attackierte danach den Abgeordneten Ferat Koçak (Die Linke) dafür, dass er die brutalen Angriffe der Polizei auf Video festgehalten, veröffentlicht und zurecht skandalisiert hat.

Wir Spartakisten protestieren aufs Schärfste gegen diese Repression! Der Block der Spartakisten hat sich auf der Demo sofort lautstark gegen diese Polizeiangriffe gestellt und Genossen von uns haben zusammen mit anderen dafür mobilisiert, dass Blöcke vom vorderen Teil der Demo umdrehen und auch gegen die Repression protestieren. Dies war im direkten politischen Kampf gegen die Demoleitung, die – repräsentiert durch Ellen Brombacher (Führerin der Kommunistischen Plattform in Die Linke) – unseren Block und andere dazu bewegen wollte, vor der Repression zu kapitulieren, den Protest aufzugeben und einfach weiterzumarschieren, als ob nichts gewesen wäre. Nein! Ein Angriff auf einen ist ein Angriff auf uns alle!

Diese dreisten und brutalen Angriffe des Staates auf Palästinenser und pro-palästinensische Linke unterstreichen einmal mehr die Dringlichkeit für die Arbeiterbewegung und die ganze Linke, vereint in Aktion zu treten in Protest gegen diese Repression und zur Verteidigung aller Angegriffenen.

Sofortige Einstellung aller Verfahren!

Freilassung aller Festgenommenen!

Nieder mit der Staatsrepression!

The original letter of the International Bolshevik Tendency, “The Baby & the Bathwater” (January 1), can be read on their website at bolshevik.org

Dear comrades,

We received your 1 January 2024 letter.

We are in favor of engaging in more discussions with the IBT and with the other tendencies claiming the mantle of Spartacism, as well as with any group in the international left, for the purpose of advancing the struggle to reforge the Fourth International. In this spirit, a joint international conference of various organizations is certainly something we could support.

That said, we found that your proposal was putting the cart before the horse. It is mainly focused on organizational matters (how to organize discussions and a conference) while not dealing seriously with the political questions at stake. Let me explain.

Il est minuit moins une. Les chefs du Front commun viennent de poignarder leurs membres et toute la population du Québec dans le dos avec une entente à rabais qui garantit encore plus de dégradation des conditions de travail et des services publics. C’est maintenant aux membres de prendre les choses en main. Il faut voter un « non » retentissant à cette offre ridicule de 17,4 % (sur cinq ans, donc 3,5 % par année !). Et, surtout, il faut remettre la lutte en marche maintenant : grèves, occupations, blocages, tout ce que ça prendra !

Le Front commun avait le gouvernement antisyndical de Legault dans les câbles. La popularité de la CAQ était en chute libre, les membres étaient gonflés à bloc, la population soutenait massivement les syndiqués. Dans de telles circonstances, avoir réussi à obtenir un résultat aussi minable démontre à quel point les « chefs » syndicaux actuels doivent être chassés et remplacés par une direction qui se bat dans l’intérêt des travailleurs et travailleuses. Mais d’abord et avant tout il faut stopper la déroute actuelle et faire plier la CAQ. Les demandes initiales du Front commun — comme 23 % sur trois ans — sont un minimum pour commencer à stopper la dégradation des services publics au Québec. Pour les bureaucrates syndicaux, c’était juste une posture de négos à jeter à la poubelle dès que possible. Mais pour les membres, c’est vital, et c’est ça qu’il faut aller chercher tout de suite.

N’attendez pas les « instances » — les syndicats appartiennent aux membres, pas aux bureaucrates ! Quelques grèves locales bien organisées seraient la base pour faire boule de neige et démarrer la GGI. C’est donc la tâche des militants syndicaux les plus conscients de mobiliser les membres et d’organiser de telles actions maintenant. Tout en continuant de débattre honnêtement de nos différends, nous appelons tous les groupes oppositionnels et militants de gauche dans les syndicats — y compris l’Alliance ouvrière, Révolution communiste (ex-La Riposte) et tous les autres — à travailler dans ce but commun.(en savoir plus)

以下摘录自《美国霸权的衰落和工人政权的斗争——为第四国际提供的纲领》一文，该文在国际共产主义同盟（第四国际主义者）第八次国际大会上被采用。该次大会的英语、法语、西班牙语和德语文件可在icl-fi.org浏览。

具有中国特色的新自由主义

在反革命浪潮从东德席卷苏联之后，中国共产党似乎前景暗淡。对1989年的天安门起义的血腥镇压使该政权在世界舞台上被孤立。对美国及其盟友来说，中国步苏联的后尘，融入日益壮大的自由民主阵营只是时间问题。但中国共产党并未走这条道路。它从天安门事件和东方集团的反革命中吸取的教训是：要想继续执政，就必须将高速的经济增长与严格的政治控制结合起来。为了实现这一目标，中共加倍坚持邓小平在70年代末开始的“改革开放”道路，其中包括农业和工业的市场自由化、私有化和吸引外资。目前，共产党对权力的控制似乎比以往任何时候都更加牢固。对于中国共产党及其拥护者来说，中共领导人正以其开明政策引导中国迈入历史的洪流。然而，阶级斗争的汹涌潮流将证明：促成这种表面成功的更多是因为后苏联时代一潭死水的局面，而不是中国共产党的掌舵能力。

随着“全球共产主义”的威胁似乎已经消失，以及邓小平在1992年 “南巡”中重申欢迎外资的承诺，帝国主义的投资涌入中国。各个经济特区提供了放松管制的、配得上最好的新自由主义自由市场实践的环境，也提供了大量顺从性得到了中国共产党保证的廉价劳动力，与此同时，国家主导的经济则调动了巨大的资源来建设基础设施和工厂。为垄断资本主义创造巨额利润的同时，这种组合也为中国带来了无与伦比的经济和社会进步。在2008年之后的三年里，中国使用的水泥比美国在整个20世纪使用的都多。自1978年以来，其国内生产总值平均每年增长9%，8亿人摆脱了贫困。中国对世界经济的融入，带来了生产率的巨大飞跃，打开了一个巨大的新市场，成为经济增长和世界贸易增长的引擎。中国的崛起既是后苏联秩序的最大成功，也是这种秩序的最大威胁。(...)

Ituwid natin ang dalawang bagay. Una, ang mga Palestino ay nahaharap sa malupit na pambansang pang-aapi at walang-pinipiling pagpatay ng estado ng Israel—may karapatan silang ipagtanggol ang kanilang sarili, kabilang ang paggamit ng puwersa. Pangalawa, ang kusang pagpatay ng Hamas at mga kaalyado nito sa mga sibilyang Israeli ay isang nakakasuklam na krimen na pawang kontra-produktibo sa pagpapalayang Palestino. Habang ang Gaza ay nahaharap sa pagkadayukdok at pagmamasaker sa kamay ng Israel Defense Forces (IDF), dapat ay tutulan agad ng pandaigdigang kilusang manggagawa ang pagsalakay na ito. Ngunit para sumulong at magtagumpay ang pakikibaka para sa liberasyong Palestino kinakailangan ang landas na ganap ang pagkakaiba sa lahat ng iniaalok, maging Islamismo o sekular na nasyonalismo. Hindi mga walang kabuluhang sentimyentong pakikiramay na mula sa kabal ng mga kaliwang liberal at pekeng sosyalista ang pangangailangan kundi rebolusyonaryong bagtasan para sa pagpapalayang Palestino.

Paano Gagapiin ang Zionistang Estado

Para masukol ang isang kaaway, dapat samantalahin ang mga kahinaan at ma-neutralisa ang mga kalakasan nito. Ang tibay ng estado ng Israel ay nagmumula sa katotohanan na ang milyun-milyong mamamayang Judeong naninirahan sa loob ng mga hangganan nito ay tumitingin rito bilang natatanging paraan para ipagtanggol ang kanilang sarili sa isang mapagtunggaling rehiyon. Habang ito ang kaso, ang mga Israeli ay lalaban hanggang sa kamatayan para ipagtanggol ang Zionistang estado. Ang lahat ng ito’y bahagi ng plano mula noong nagpasya ang imperyalismong British na suportahan ang proyektong Zionista. Sa ngayon, sinisiguro ng U.S. at Israel ang kanilang mga interes sa Gitnang Silangan sa pamamagitan ng paglabag sa mga pambansang karapatan ng sambayanang Palestino at pagtaguyod ng permanenteng estado ng poot sa pagitan ng mga Judeo at Muslim. Ang kumbinasyon ng isang militarisadong populasyon at imperyalistang suporta ang nagbibigay sa estado ng Israel ng lakas at anyo ng walang-pagkatalo.

Gayunpaman, ang istrukturang ito ay marupok at pinapanatili lamang ng isang mentalidad de asedio (siege mentality) na itinataguyod ng naghaharing uri. Ang punto ng kahinaan ay ang katiyakan na ito’y isang militarisadong teokratikong estado na pinamumunuan ng isang busaksak na pangkatin ng mga tiwaling panatiko. Ang mga manggagawang Israeli ay nahaharap sa sapilitang pagpapasundalo, rehimentasyong pangrelihiyon at brutal na kondisyon sa pagtatrabaho at pamumuhay. Ang pagtutol sa alinman sa mga ito ay binabansagang pagtataksil sa mga Judeo. Ang sitwasyong ito ay lumilikha ng malalim na maka-lahi, panlipunan at pampulitikang bitak sa Israel, na dapat samantalahin para mawasak ang Zionistang estado at mapalaya ang mga Palestino.(read more)

Esclareceremos duas coisas. A primeira: os palestinos enfrentam uma opressão nacional brutal e assassinatos indiscriminados por parte do estado de Israel; eles têm todo o direito a se defender, inclusive mediante a força. Em segundo lugar, o assassinato deliberado de civis israelenses pelo Hamas e seus aliados é um crime depreciável, totalmente contraproducente para a libertação palestina. Enquanto a população de Gaza está agora esfomeada e massacrada pelas mãos das Forças de Defesa de Israel (FDI), é urgente que o movimento operário internacional se oponha à ofensiva israelita. Mas para que a luta de libertação palestiniana avance e seja vitoriosa, terá de seguir um caminho totalmente diferente de quaisquer propostas existentes, seja o islamismo ou o nacionalismo secular. O que é necessário não é a solidariedade barata oferecida por todo o bando de liberais de esquerda e falsos socialistas, mas sim um caminho revolucionário para a libertação palestina.

Como derrotar o estado sionista

Para derrotar seu inimigo, você deve explorar seus pontos fracos e neutralizar seus pontos fortes. A resiliência do estado de Israel assenta no fato de que milhões de judeus que moram dentro das suas fronteiras veem-no como a única forma de se defenderem em uma região hostil. Enquanto assim for, os israelenses vão lutar até à morte para defender o estado sionista. Isto fazia parte do plano desde que o imperialismo britânico decidiu apoiar o projeto sionista. Hoje, os Estados Unidos e Israel asseguram os seus interesses no Oriente Médio violando os direitos nacionais do povo palestino e fomentando um estado permanente de hostilidade entre judeus e muçulmanos. A combinação de uma população militarizada e o respaldo imperialista dá ao estado israelense a sua força e uma aparência de invencibilidade.

Mas esta estrutura é frágil e é mantida apenas pela mentalidade de assédio promovida pela classe dominante. O ponto fraco é precisamente o fato de se tratar de um estado teocrático militarizado, liderado por uma camarilha cada vez mais extrema de fanáticos corruptos. Os trabalhadores israelenses enfrentam conscrição, arregimentação religiosa, condições brutais de trabalho e de vida. Qualquer resistência a este estado de coisas é considerada traição contra os judeus. Esta situação cria profundas divisões raciais, sociais e políticas em Israel, que devem ser exploradas para quebrar o estado sionista e libertar os palestinos.(continuar lendo)

Da quasi un mese Israele massacra ogni giorno centinaia di uomini, donne e bambini di Gaza. Le manifestazioni a sostegno del popolo palestinese sono state vietate in Francia e in Germania, in quest’ultima con il consenso della sinistra ufficiale. In Italia, chiunque sostenga la lotta di liberazione del popolo palestinese rischia l’accusa di essere antisemita o terrorista. Ma le intenzioni genocide del governo israeliano diventano ogni giorno più chiare, lo scontento monta e le manifestazioni per la Palestina continuano a chiedere inutilmente alla comunità internazionale di fare qualcosa.

Che fare? La risposta di tutta la sinistra è più o meno la stessa: denunciare i crimini di Israele in modo che la comunità internazionale apra gli occhi e fermi il massacro. Ecco ad esempio Potere al Popolo, che è tra i principali organizzatori del corteo contro la guerra del 4 novembre:

“1) Fare girare informazione corretta, le immagini dalla Palestina che i nostri media non mostrano, costruire identificazione anche con la parte palestinese, presentata dai nostri media come “Altro” e “nemico” (...) 2) Fare pressione sul nostro Governo, sulle istituzioni internazionali, sulle strutture di potere USA in Italia per impedire che Israele entri nella Striscia e acuisca il massacro, chiedere un cessate il fuoco e un negoziato vero che ponga al centro l’esistenza e l’autodeterminazione del popolo palestinese. Si può fare con le mobilitazioni di piazza, con i social, con il mail bombing, con le campagne di Boicottaggio, Disinvestimento e sanzioni. (…) 3) Se Israele dovesse entrare nella Striscia, scendere in piazza, occupare scuole e università, spingere per uno sciopero generale, per segnalare in tutti i modi la nostra contrarietà” (poterealpopolo.org, 18 ottobre).

Siamo realisti: far girare informazioni corrette, segnalare la propria contrarietà, fare mail bombing con i video dell’orrore che vivono i palestinesi non cambierà niente. Joe Biden, Olaf Scholz, Giorgia Meloni e la “comunità internazionale” di ladri e assassini imperialisti che domina il mondo e aiuta Israele nella sua impresa omicida, non cambierà strada perché gli “uomini di buona volontà” mostrano a tutti cosa succede. I governanti imperialisti sanno benissimo cosa sta succedendo e hanno deciso di tracciare uno spartiacque: Israele è un loro avamposto e lo difenderanno fino in fondo. Le mozioni dell’Onu, i camion di aiuti umanitari mandati col contagocce, i summit, servono solo a confondere le masse lavoratrici. (continua...)

The Zionist war machine is massacring Palestinians in Gaza with the full backing of the American and British governments. As for Keir Starmer and the leadership of the Labour Party, they are toeing the line, defending Israel’s “right” to raze the Gaza strip and murder an entire people. The trade union leaders? At best they have issued timid “criticisms”, at worst, they support him. This is intolerable.

Support to Zionism and the right of Israel to oppress Palestinians is a red line for the (Protestant, anti-Jewish) British ruling class. For Starmer and his clique, support to Zionism is their loyalty oath to the British establishment, the necessary political passport to be admitted to their ranks. Corbyn and his supporters were purged from Labour and slandered as “anti-Semites” precisely because they crossed this line.

The only force which can actually put a stop to the current massacre is the working class. But the British workers cannot take a single step in this direction as long as they are led by Zionists like Starmer and his trade union backers! Hell, this unholy alliance with Zionists is just as much an obstacle to the fight for higher wages, a better NHS, decent schools and affordable housing. The struggle of the working class in Britain and the cause of Palestinian freedom are linked by their common enemy. Now is the time for a real fight to throw the pro-establishment leaders out of the labour movement!

But most people are trying to pressure Starmer to come out for a “ceasefire”, as opposed to “humanitarian pauses”. This is just a debate over how long to pause during the slaughter. The point is not to get a short break from the blitzkrieg but for Labour and the TUC to stand for the liberation of Palestine! But again, this obviously will not happen as long as Labour and the TUC are led by Zionists!(read on)

두 가지 것들을 분명히 하자. 첫째, 팔레스타인 인민들은 이스라엘 국가에 의한 잔혹한 민족적 억압과 무차별적인 살인에 직면해 있다 - 그들은 힘에 의한 것을 포함하여 그들 자신을 방어할 모든 권리를 가지고 있다. 둘째, 하마스와 그 동맹들에 의한 이스라엘 시민들에 대한 표적살해는 팔레스타인 해방을 위해서는 완전히 역효과만을 내는 비열한 범죄이다. 가자가 기아와 이스라엘방위군(IDF)에 의한 대량살해에 직면해 있는 지금, 국제노동자운동은 이 맹공격을 시급하게 반대해야만 한다. 그러나 전진하고 승리하기 위해서는, 이슬림주의건 비종교적 민족주의건 상관없이, 팔레스타인 해방을 위한 투쟁은 현재 거론되고 있는 모든 것들과는 완전히 다른 길을 필요로 한다. 필요한 것은 다양한 좌익 자유주의자들과 사이비 사회주의자 패거리들로부터 나오는 공감이라는 공허한 감정들이 아니라 팔레스타인 해방을 위한 혁명적 길이다.

어떻게 시온주의 국가를 물리칠 것인가

자신의 적을 물리치기 위해서는, 사람들은 적의 약점들을 이용하고 적의 강점들을 무력화해야만 한다. 이스라엘이라는 국가의 활력은 국경 안에 살고 있는 수백만명의 유대 인민들이 국가를 적대적인 지역에서 스스로를 방어하기 위한 유일한 길로 여긴다는 사실로부터 나온다. 이게 사실인 한, 이스라엘인들은 시온주의 국가를 방어하기 위하여 죽을때까지 싸울 것이다. 이것이 영국 제국주의가 시온주의 프로젝트를 지지하기로 결정했던 때부터 계획의 일부였다. 오늘 미국과 이스라엘은 팔레스타인 인민들의 민족적 권리들을 침해함으로써, 그리고 유대인들과 무슬림들 사이의 적대이라는 항구적인 상태를 조성함으로써 중동에서 자신들의 이해관계를 지킨다. 군사화된 국민들과 제국주의에 의한 지지의 결합이 이스라엘 국가에 아무도 꺾을 수 없는 그것의 힘과 겉모습을 부여한다.

하지만, 이 구조는 깨지기 쉽고 지배계급에 의해 조장되는 항상 적들에게 둘러싸여 있다는 강박관념에 의해서만 유지될 뿐이다. 어느 때보다도 극단적인 부패한 광신도들의 패거리들이 지배하는 군사화된 신정국가라는 것이 정확하게 이스라엘의 약점이다. 이스라엘 노동인민들은 징병, 엄격한 종교적 통제, 그리고 잔혹한 노동과 삶의 조건들에 처해 있다. 이것 중 어느 하나에 대한 저항도 유대인에 대한 배신으로 규탄받는다. 이 상황이 이스라엘에 있는 깊은 인종적, 사회적, 그리고 정치적 틈들을 창출하는데, 시온주의 국가를 타도하고 팔레스타인 인민들을 해방하기 위하여 이 점을 활용해야만 한다. (...)

7 Νοέμβρη — Αυτό που είναι ξεκάθαρο στη χώρα και που φάνηκε με τις βουλευτικές και τις δημοτικές εκλογές είναι ότι υπάρχει μια σαφής αναδιάταξη στον συσχετισμό των αστικών πολιτικών δυνάμεων. Η συντριπτική ήττα του Τσίπρα στις εκλογές και η επικράτηση του Κασελλάκη στην ηγεσία του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ σηματοδοτεί την κατάρρευση του αριστερού λαϊκισμού και το τέλος της περιόδου που είχε βρει την ανώτερη έκφρασή της το 2015. Με τη δεξιά στροφή του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ προς τον νεοφιλελευθερισμό, οι όποιες διαφοροποιήσεις υπήρχαν με τη ΝΔ και το ΠΑΣΟΚ έχουν εκμηδενιστεί. Η στροφή αυτή ήδη έχει οδηγήσει σε πόλωση μέσα στον ΣΥΡΙΖΑ και θα οδηγήσει αναπόφευκτα στο να αποβάλλει τα αριστερά απομεινάρια του αστικού αυτού κόμματος ή και σε μία διάσπαση. Η μάχη συντελείται στο ποιο κόμμα θα κερδίσει την απογοητευμένη βάση του. Παράλληλα, η κύρια διαμάχη μεταξύ ΠΑΣΟΚ και ΣΥΡΙΖΑ είναι για το ποιος θα κυριαρχήσει στο κέντρο. Η ΝΔ παρ’ όλες τις απώλειες στις δημοτικές εκλογές παραμένει πολιτικά σταθερή.

Το ΚΚΕ ενώ πανηγυρίζει για την αύξηση των ποσοστών του στις εκλογές, στην πραγματικότητα απέτυχε να κερδίσει από την τεράστια δυσαρέσκεια των εργαζόμενων. Από την άλλη, η αριστερά βρίσκεται αμήχανη και μετέωρη μπροστά στην υποτιθέμενη προδοσία του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ, περιμένοντας καρτερικά την διάσπασή του ώστε να έχει κάποιον άλλον να ακολουθήσει. Ταυτόχρονα, οι εργαζόμενοι στην έλλειψη μιας επαναστατικής απάντησης από την ηγεσία του εργατικού κινήματος, από τις συνεχόμενες ήττες και την παρακμή σε όλους τους τομείς της ζωής τους, οδηγήθηκαν στη μεγαλύτερη εκλογική αποχή από την περίοδο της μεταπολίτευσης.

Η αστική τάξη ελπίζει ότι με τη ΝΔ θα καταφέρει να τα βγάλει πέρα σε μια κατάσταση στην οποία υπάρχει μια φαινομενική πολιτική σταθερότητα. Όμως, η χώρα είναι εξαιρετικά ασταθής τόσο λόγω της εσωτερικής όσο και της διεθνούς κατάστασης. Οι ιμπεριαλιστές και οι ντόπιοι λακέδες τους έχοντας ρημάξει όλες τις υποδομές, έχοντας ξεπουλήσει και ιδιωτικοποιήσει τα πάντα καθώς και η εκτεταμένη διαφθορά έστρωσαν το έδαφος για τις καταστροφές που ακολούθησαν. Με τις πυρκαγιές και τις πλημμύρες το 23 τοις εκατό της εγχώριας αγροτικής παραγωγής έχει καταστραφεί και η γη δεν θα είναι καλλιεργήσιμη για τα επόμενα 5 χρόνια. Οι αγρότες, οι κτηνοτρόφοι και οι μικρομαγαζάτορες έχουν χάσει την περιουσία τους και εκατοντάδες οικογένειες έχουν χάσει τα σπίτια τους. Στο μεταξύ η ακρίβεια θερίζει τα νοικοκυριά. Οι επαναλαμβανόμενες δηλώσεις του Μητσοτάκη ότι «Θα χρειαστούμε τη βοήθεια της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης» δεν προμηνύουν τίποτα καλό.(περισσότερα)

We publish below recent correspondence between the League for the Fourth International (LFI), known in the U.S. as the Internationalist Group, and the International Communist League, which was first published on their website.

In accordance with the mandate of our recent international conference, the ICL reached out to the LFI proposing to hold leadership discussions between our two organizations and to explore possibilities of common work in defense of basic interests of the workers movement (see “The ICL’s Post-Soviet Revisionism,” Spartacist [English edition] No. 68, September 2023).

Since it is the ICL that provoked the unprincipled and shallow split which led to the creation of the LFI, we consider it our responsibility to do everything we can to bring clarity to what has been a confusing and disorienting rivalry. We are determined to reduce organizational and personalist tensions between our two parties and to engage in thorough and clarifying debates. As the correspondence shows, the LFI showed no interest at all in this. The LFI responded to our extended hand with a series of denunciations and accusations. The one redeeming part of their response is their proposal to hold a debate, which we have gladly accepted. It is planned for January 13 in New York. (read more)

İki şeyi açıklığa kavuşturalım. Birincisi, Filistinliler İsrail devletinin acımasız ulusal baskısı ve ayrım gözetmeksizin işlediği cinayetlerle karşı karşıyadır; güç kullanmak da dahil olmak üzere kendilerini savunmak için her türlü hakka sahiptirler. İkincisi, Hamas ve müttefikleri tarafından İsrailli sivillerin hedef gözetilerek öldürülmesi, Filistinlilerin kurtuluşuna tamamen ters düşen alçakça bir suçtur. Gazze şu anda İsrail Savunma Kuvvetleri’nin (IDF) elinde açlık ve kitlesel katliamla karşı karşıyayken, uluslararası işçi hareketi bu saldırıya acilen karşı çıkmalıdır. Ancak Filistin’in kurtuluşu mücadelesinin ilerlemesi ve zafere ulaşması için, ister İslamcılık ister seküler milliyetçilik olsun, sunulan her şeyden tamamen farklı bir yola ihtiyacı vardır. İhtiyaç duyulan şey, sol liberaller ve sahte sosyalistler güruhunun boş duyguları ve empatileri değil, Filistin’in kurtuluşu için devrimci bir yoldur.

Siyonist Devlet Nasıl Yenilir?

Bir düşmanı yenmek için onun zayıflıklarından faydalanmak ve güçlü yanlarını etkisiz hale getirmek gerekir. İsrail devletinin dayanıklılığı, sınırları içinde yaşayan milyonlarca Yahudi’nin, düşmanca bir bölgede kendilerini savunmanın tek yolu olarak bu devleti görmelerinden kaynaklanmaktadır. Durum böyle olduğu sürece İsrailliler Siyonist devleti savunmak için ölümüne savaşacaklardır. İngiliz emperyalizmi Siyonist projeyi desteklemeye karar verdiği andan itibaren tüm bunlar planın bir parçasıydı. Bugün ABD ve İsrail, Filistin halkının ulusal haklarını ihlal ederek ve Yahudiler ile Müslümanlar arasında kalıcı bir düşmanlık durumunu teşvik ederek Orta Doğu’daki çıkarlarını güvence altına almaktadır. Militarize edilmiş bir nüfus ve emperyalist desteğin birleşimi İsrail devletine güç ve yenilmezlik görüntüsü vermektedir.

Ancak bu yapı kırılgandır ve yalnızca egemen sınıf tarafından teşvik edilen bir kuşatma zihniyetiyle sürdürülmektedir. İsrail devletinin zayıf noktası açıkça, yozlaşmış fanatiklerden oluşan daima aşırı bir klik tarafından yönetilen askerileştirilmiş teokratik bir devlet olmasıdır. İsrailli emekçiler zorunlu askerlik, dini alaycılık ve acımasız çalışma ve yaşam koşullarıyla karşı karşıyadır. Tüm bunlara karşı direniş Yahudilere ihanet olarak yaftalanıyor. Bu durum İsrail’de Siyonist devleti yıkmak ve Filistinlileri özgürleştirmek için kullanılması gereken derin ırksal, sosyal ve siyasi çatlaklar yaratmaktadır. (devamı için)

Mettiamo in chiaro due cose. Primo: i palestinesi si scontrano con una brutale oppressione nazionale e con il massacro indiscriminato commesso dallo Stato di Israele. Hanno tutto il diritto di difendersi, anche con la forza. Secondo: l‘omicidio mirato di civili israeliani da parte di Hamas e dei suoi alleati è un crimine spregevole che è totalmente controproducente per la liberazione palestinese. Gaza ora rischia la fame e una strage per mano delle Forze di difesa israeliane (Idf) e il movimento operaio internazionale deve opporsi con urgenza a questo assalto. Ma per avanzare e trionfare, la lotta per la liberazione della Palestina ha bisogno di una strada totalmente diversa da tutto quello che c’è sul mercato, che si tratti di islamismo o di nazionalismo laico. Non serve la solidarietà gratuita della congrega dei liberali di sinistra e dei falsi socialisti, ma una strada rivoluzionaria per la liberazione della Palestina.

Come sconfiggere lo Stato sionista

Per sconfiggere il proprio nemico, bisogna sfruttarne le debolezze e neutralizzare i suoi punti di forza. La forza dello Stato di Israele deriva dal fatto che i milioni di ebrei che vivono all’interno dei suoi confini lo vedono come l’unico modo per difendersi in una regione ostile. Finché sarà così, gli israeliani combatteranno fino alla morte per difendere lo Stato sionista. Fa tutto parte del piano iniziato quando l’imperialismo britannico decise di sostenere il progetto sionista. Oggi gli Stati Uniti e Israele assicurano i loro interessi in Medio Oriente violando i diritti nazionali del popolo palestinese e favorendo uno stato di ostilità permanente tra ebrei e musulmani. La combinazione di una popolazione militarizzata e del sostegno imperialista conferisce allo Stato israeliano la sua forza e l’apparente invincibilità.

Tuttavia, questa struttura è fragile ed è mantenuta solo da una mentalità di assedio promossa dalla classe dirigente. Il punto debole è proprio il fatto che si tratta di uno Stato teocratico militarizzato, governato da una cricca sempre più estrema di fanatici corrotti. I lavoratori israeliani devono affrontare la coscrizione, l’irreggimentazione religiosa e condizioni di lavoro e di vita brutali. Chi si oppone è accusato di essere un traditore degli ebrei. Questa situazione crea profonde fratture razziali, sociali e politiche in Israele, che devono essere sfruttate per spezzare lo Stato sionista e liberare i palestinesi. (continua…)

Ας ξεκαθαρίσουμε δύο πράγματα. Πρώτον, οι Παλαιστίνιοι αντιμετωπίζουν βάναυση εθνική καταπίεση και αδιάκριτες δολοφονίες από το κράτος του Ισραήλ - έχουν κάθε δικαίωμα να υπερασπιστούν τον εαυτό τους, ακόμα και με βία. Δεύτερον, οι στοχευμένες δολοφονίες Ισραηλινών πολιτών από τη Χαμάς και τους συμμάχους της είναι ένα κατάπτυστο έγκλημα που είναι εντελώς αντιπαραγωγικό για την απελευθέρωση των Παλαιστινίων. Με τη Γάζα να βρίσκεται τώρα αντιμέτωπη με λιμοκτονία και μαζικές δολοφονίες στα χέρια των Ισραηλινών Αμυντικών Δυνάμεων (IDF), το διεθνές εργατικό κίνημα πρέπει επειγόντως να αντιταχθεί σε αυτή την επίθεση. Αλλά για να προωθηθεί και να θριαμβεύσει, ο αγώνας για την απελευθέρωση της Παλαιστίνης χρειάζεται έναν εντελώς διαφορετικό δρόμο από οτιδήποτε προσφέρεται, είτε πρόκειται για Ισλαμισμό είτε για κοσμικό εθνικισμό. Αυτό που χρειάζεται δεν είναι κενά συναισθήματα ενσυναίσθησης από τη συμμορία των αριστερών φιλελεύθερων και των ψεύτικων σοσιαλιστών, αλλά ένας επαναστατικός δρόμος για την απελευθέρωση της Παλαιστίνης.

Πώς να Ηττηθεί το Σιωνιστικό Κράτος

Για να νικήσει κανείς τον εχθρό του, πρέπει να εκμεταλλευτεί τις αδυναμίες του και να εξουδετερώσει τις δυνάμεις του. Η ανθεκτικότητα του κράτους του Ισραήλ προέρχεται από το γεγονός ότι τα εκατομμύρια των Εβραίων που ζουν εντός των συνόρων του το βλέπουν ως τον μόνο τρόπο για να υπερασπιστούν τον εαυτό τους σε μια εχθρική περιοχή. Όσο ισχύει αυτό, οι Ισραηλινοί θα πολεμούν μέχρι θανάτου για να υπερασπιστούν το Σιωνιστικό κράτος. Όλο αυτό ήταν μέρος του σχεδίου από τη στιγμή που ο βρετανικός ιμπεριαλισμός αποφάσισε να υποστηρίξει το Σιωνιστικό σχέδιο. Σήμερα οι ΗΠΑ και το Ισραήλ διασφαλίζουν τα συμφέροντά τους στη Μέση Ανατολή με το να παραβιάζουν τα εθνικά δικαιώματα του παλαιστινιακού λαού και να καλλιεργούν μια μόνιμη κατάσταση εχθρότητας μεταξύ Εβραίων και Μουσουλμάνων. Ο συνδυασμός ενός στρατιωτικοποιημένου πληθυσμού και της ιμπεριαλιστικής υποστήριξης δίνει στο ισραηλινό κράτος τη δύναμή του και την εντύπωση του αήττητου.

Ωστόσο, αυτή η δομή είναι εύθραυστη και διατηρείται μόνο με τη νοοτροπία της πολιορκίας που προάγεται από την άρχουσα τάξη. Το αδύναμο σημείο βρίσκεται ακριβώς στο ότι πρόκειται για ένα στρατιωτικοποιημένο θεοκρατικό κράτος που κυβερνάται από μια όλο και πιο ακραία κλίκα διεφθαρμένων φανατικών. Οι Ισραηλινοί εργαζόμενοι αντιμετωπίζουν τη στρατολόγηση, τον θρησκευτικό καθεστωτισμό και τις βάναυσες συνθήκες εργασίας και διαβίωσης. Η αντίσταση σε οποιοδήποτε από αυτά χαρακτηρίζεται ως προδοσία των Εβραίων. Αυτή η κατάσταση δημιουργεί βαθιά φυλετικά, κοινωνικά και πολιτικά ρήγματα στο Ισραήλ, τα οποία πρέπει να αξιοποιηθούν για να σπάσει το Σιωνιστικό κράτος και να απελευθερωθούν οι Παλαιστίνιοι. (περισσότερα)

Lasst uns zwei Dinge klarstellen. Erstens: Die Palästinenser sind brutaler nationaler Unterdrückung und wahlloser Ermordung durch den Staat Israel ausgesetzt – sie haben jedes Recht, sich zu verteidigen, auch mit Gewalt. Zweitens: Die gezielte Ermordung israelischer Zivilisten durch die Hamas und ihre Verbündeten ist ein verabscheuungswürdiges Verbrechen, das für die Befreiung der Palästinenser völlig kontraproduktiv ist. Angesichts der Tatsache, dass dem Gazastreifen nun Aushungerung und Massenmord durch die Israelischen Verteidigungsstreitkräfte (IDF) drohen, muss sich die internationale Arbeiterbewegung diesem Angriff dringend entgegenstellen. Aber um voranzukommen und zu siegen, braucht der Kampf für die Befreiung der Palästinenser einen völlig anderen Weg als alles, was angeboten wird, ob Islamismus oder säkularer Nationalismus. Was wir brauchen, sind keine leeren Mitleidsbekundungen der linksliberalen und der pseudosozialistischen Meute, sondern einen revolutionären Weg zur Befreiung der Palästinenser.

Wie man den zionistischen Staat besiegt

Um seinen Feind zu besiegen, muss man seine Schwächen ausnutzen und seine Stärken neutralisieren. Die Widerstandsfähigkeit des Staates Israel beruht auf der Tatsache, dass die Millionen von Juden, die innerhalb seiner Grenzen leben, ihn als die einzige Möglichkeit sehen, sich in einer feindlichen Region zu verteidigen. Solange dies der Fall ist, werden die Israelis bis zum Tod kämpfen, um den zionistischen Staat zu verteidigen. Das alles war Teil des Plans, seit der britische Imperialismus beschlossen hat, das zionistische Projekt zu unterstützen. Heute sichern die USA und Israel ihre Interessen im Nahen Osten, indem sie die nationalen Rechte des palästinensischen Volkes verletzen und einen permanenten Zustand der Feindseligkeit zwischen Juden und Muslimen befeuern. Die Kombination aus einer militarisierten Bevölkerung und imperialistischer Unterstützung verleiht dem israelischen Staat seine Stärke und den Anschein der Unbesiegbarkeit.

Dieses Gebilde ist jedoch brüchig und wird nur durch eine Belagerungsmentalität aufrechterhalten, die von der herrschenden Klasse gefördert wird. Der Schwachpunkt ist eben, dass es sich um einen militarisierten theokratischen Staat handelt, der von einer immer extremeren Clique korrupter Fanatiker regiert wird. Die arbeitende Bevölkerung Israels ist mit Wehrpflicht, religiöser Reglementierung und brutalen Arbeits- und Lebensbedingungen konfrontiert. Widerstand gegen irgendetwas davon wird als Verrat an Juden bezeichnet. Diese Situation schafft tiefe rassische, soziale und politische Risse in Israel, die ausgenutzt werden müssen, um den zionistischen Staat zu zerschlagen und die Palästinenser zu befreien. (Weiterlesen)

Aclaremos dos cosas. Primera, los palestinos enfrentan una opresión nacional brutal y asesinatos indiscriminados por parte del estado de Israel; tienen todo el derecho a defenderse, incluso mediante la fuerza. En segundo lugar, el asesinato deliberado de civiles israelíes por Hamás y sus aliados es un crimen despreciable, totalmente contraproducente para la liberación palestina. Con Gaza enfrentando ahora la inanición y el asesinato en masa a manos de las Fuerzas de Defensa de Israel (FDI), el movimiento obrero internacional debe oponerse urgentemente a este ataque. Pero para avanzar y triunfar, la lucha por la liberación palestina necesita un camino totalmente diferente de todo lo que se le ofrece, ya sea islamismo o nacionalismo secular. Lo que se necesita no son sentimientos baratos de empatía por parte de toda una banda de liberales de izquierda y falsos socialistas, sino un camino revolucionario para la liberación palestina.

Cómo derrotar al estado sionista

Para derrotar al enemigo, hay que explotar sus debilidades y neutralizar sus puntos fuertes. La fortaleza del estado de Israel proviene del hecho de que los millones de judíos que viven dentro de sus fronteras lo ven como la única forma de defenderse en una región hostil. Mientras esto sea así, los israelíes lucharán hasta la muerte para defender al estado sionista. Todo esto era parte del plan desde que el imperialismo británico decidió apoyar el proyecto sionista. Hoy, Estados Unidos e Israel aseguran sus intereses en el Medio Oriente violando los derechos nacionales del pueblo palestino y fomentando un estado permanente de hostilidad entre judíos y musulmanes. La combinación de una población militarizada y el respaldo imperialista le confiere al estado israelí su fuerza y una apariencia de invencibilidad.

Sin embargo, esta estructura es frágil y sólo se mantiene gracias a una mentalidad de asedio fomentada por la clase dominante. El punto débil es precisamente que es un estado teocrático militarizado gobernado por una camarilla cada vez más extrema de fanáticos corruptos. Los trabajadores israelíes se enfrentan a la conscripción, la regimentación religiosa y brutales condiciones de trabajo y de vida. La resistencia a cualquiera de ellas es tachada de traición a los judíos. Esta situación crea profundas fisuras raciales, sociales y políticas en Israel, que deben ser explotadas para destruir el estado sionista y liberar a los palestinos. (continuar leyendo)

Soyons clairs sur deux choses. Premièrement, les Palestiniens subissent une oppression nationale brutale et des meurtres indiscriminés perpétrés par l’État d’Israël – ils ont absolument le droit de se défendre, y compris en utilisant la force. Deuxièmement, les meurtres délibérés de civils israéliens par le Hamas et ses alliés sont un crime abominable totalement contre-productif pour la lutte de libération palestinienne. Alors que la population de Gaza est aujourd’hui affamée et massacrée par l’Armée de défense d’Israël (ADI), il est urgent pour le mouvement ouvrier international de s’opposer à l’offensive israélienne. Mais pour que la lutte de libération palestinienne avance et soit victorieuse, elle devra emprunter une voie totalement différente de toutes les propositions existantes, que ce soit l’islamisme ou le nationalisme laïque. Ce qu’il faut, ce n’est pas la solidarité bon marché proposée par toute la bande des libéraux de gauche et des pseudo-socialistes, mais une voie révolutionnaire pour la libération palestinienne.

Comment vaincre l’État sioniste

Pour vaincre son ennemi, il faut exploiter ses points faibles et neutraliser ses points forts. La résilience de l’État d’Israël repose sur le fait que les millions de Juifs qui vivent à l’intérieur de ses frontières le considèrent comme la seule façon qu’ils ont de se défendre dans une région hostile. Tant qu’il en sera ainsi, les Israéliens se battront jusqu’à la mort pour défendre l’État sioniste. Cela faisait partie du plan des impérialistes depuis l’époque où la Grande-Bretagne avait décidé de soutenir le projet sioniste. Aujourd’hui les États-Unis et Israël assurent leurs intérêts au Moyen-Orient en violant les droits nationaux du peuple palestinien et en entretenant un état d’hostilité permanente entre Juifs et musulmans. La combinaison d’une population militarisée et du soutien impérialiste confère à l’État israélien sa force et son apparence d’invincibilité.

Mais cette construction est fragile et ne se perpétue que par la mentalité de forteresse assiégée entretenue par la bourgeoisie. Le point faible, c’est précisément qu’il s’agit d’un État théocratique militarisé, dirigé par une clique toujours plus extrémiste de fanatiques corrompus. Les travailleurs israéliens subissent la conscription, l’embrigadement religieux et des conditions de travail et de vie brutales. Toute résistance à cet état de choses est qualifiée de trahison envers les Juifs. Cette situation crée en Israël de profonds clivages raciaux, sociaux et politiques, qu’il faut exploiter pour briser l’État sioniste et libérer les Palestiniens. (en savoir plus)

Let’s get two things straight. First, Palestinians face brutal national oppression and indiscriminate murder by the state of Israel—they have every right to defend themselves, including through force. Second, the targeted murder of Israeli civilians by Hamas and its allies is a despicable crime which is totally counterproductive for Palestinian liberation. With Gaza now facing starvation and mass murder at the hands of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), the international workers movement must urgently oppose this onslaught. But to advance and triumph, the struggle for Palestinian liberation needs a totally different road from everything on offer, whether Islamism or secular nationalism. What is needed is not empty sentiments of empathy from the cabal of left liberals and fake socialists but a revolutionary road for Palestinian liberation.

How to Defeat the Zionist State

To defeat one’s enemy, one must exploit its weaknesses and neutralize its strengths. The resilience of the state of Israel comes from the fact that the millions of Jewish people living within its borders see it as the only way to defend themselves in a hostile region. As long as this is the case, Israelis will fight to the death to defend the Zionist state. This was all part of the plan from the time British imperialism decided to back the Zionist project. Today the U.S. and Israel secure their interests in the Middle East by violating the national rights of the Palestinian people and fostering a permanent state of hostility between Jews and Muslims. The combination of a militarized population and imperialist backing gives the Israeli state its strength and appearance of invincibility.

However, this structure is brittle and is maintained only by a siege mentality fostered by the ruling class. The weak point is precisely that it is a militarized theocratic state ruled by an ever more extreme clique of corrupt fanatics. Israeli working people face conscription, religious regimentation and brutal working and living conditions. Resistance to any of this is labeled as betrayal of Jews. This situation creates deep racial, social and political fissures in Israel, which must be exploited to break the Zionist state and liberate Palestinians.(read more)

Australian society is polarised to fever pitch over Labor’s referendum on the Voice, a powerless parliamentary advisory body composed of Aboriginal people and Torres Strait Islanders. The Yes camp is led by the repressive, warmongering Albanese government backed by big business, the churches and liberal politicos. But it also has the support of a large part of the population, overwhelmingly younger people, who genuinely want to improve the conditions of Aboriginal people. However, the truth is that this cause cannot take a single step forward while it is hitched to the Albanese government, the direct overseer of Aboriginal and working-class oppression.

The No camp is led by the Coalition and a posse of reactionaries who blame Indigenous people for their own oppression and howl against this population—brutally oppressed for centuries—getting even the hint of recognition. However, the No camp also includes many working and Aboriginal people who justly hate the hypocritical tokenism and reactionary policies of the ALP government. The division of the society into these two camps is a disaster for the Aboriginal struggle and for the population as a whole. The way forward for workers, leftists and Indigenous people is to build an independent, communist Yes campaign to defeat the reactionaries and to fight the Labor government. (read more)

For decades, the auto bosses have waged war against workers and made life hell for the people of Detroit—one of the most segregated and poorest cities in the U.S. Right now, the city’s population is on edge and has its eyes sympathetically set on the UAW’s next moves. At a basic level, everyone knows that a victorious outcome in this battle against the auto bosses would be a victory for them, too. Municipal services like street lights and garbage collection have been slashed, and whole chunks of the city’s infrastructure and housing are completely crumbling. Factories that could provide thousands of jobs stand empty and in ruin, while basic human needs like food, housing, medical care, transportation and education go unfulfilled, all because it is not profitable for the bosses. The UAW strike cannot afford to be limited to just an economic struggle, as Fain is doing. It must be a battle for all of Detroit and the whole Michigan region!

The bosses’ war against the workers and the oppressed extends well beyond Wayne County—from shuttered auto plants across the Midwest to Dow chemical spills in Midland to drugs and poverty in Saginaw to poisoned water in Flint. The situation is dire and someone needs to fix things. Workers must take matters into their own hands, rebuild the Midwest and make the bosses pay for it. To win this strike, the UAW needs to organize the masses of Detroit, all Wayne County and beyond on the front lines with them. It is necessary to call on all workers and the black community to join the UAW in a general strike to end tiers, reindustrialize and fight for black liberation. Shut down Motor City! (read more)

« Nous faisons face à un mur » dit le Front commun syndical des employés du secteur public (Info-négo, 11 septembre). « Les conditions d’exercice d’emploi sont épouvantables » a résumé Magali Picard, présidente de la FTQ. En effet : salles de classe bondées, urgences qui débordent, manque de garderies, listes d’attente partout ; bas salaires, temps supplémentaire obligatoire… Tout le monde le sait : la structure des services publics issue de la Révolution tranquille tombe en lambeaux, et si rien ne change ça va juste continuer d’empirer. Les « solutions » de Legault et de ses ministres, qui semblent tous sortir d’un film d’Elvis Gratton, consistent à augmenter encore plus les charges de travail et de couper dans les dépenses, tout en tentant de changer de sujet et de créer de l’hystérie collective contre les groupes vulnérables comme les immigrants et les personnes trans. Quant à elle, l’« opposition » parlementaire est on ne peut plus pathétique et à date rien ni personne ne se présente comme une alternative sérieuse.

Les 600 000 membres du Front commun, de la FIQ et les profs de la FAE ont démontré leur désir de se battre, et la population dans son ensemble peut et doit être mobilisée pour leur cause. Des augmentations de 20 %, défendre la caisse de retraite, l’amélioration des conditions de travail sont des demandes minimales on ne peut plus justes ; se mobiliser dans le plus grand Front commun en 50 ans est certainement un bon point de départ. Mais comment gagner cette bataille ? Même si la CAQ navigue présentement de crise en crise, le gouvernement anti-ouvrier et antisyndical de Legault ne va rien céder à moins de risquer de tout perdre. Alors la lutte actuelle du Front commun doit viser ni plus ni moins qu’à renverser la vapeur et à casser ce gouvernement rétrograde !

The bosses gutted the auto industry and left the workforce to die. For decades, once major industrial hubs have seen populations plummet and poverty rates soar. Remaining workers live in crumbling cities, working longer shifts in more dangerous conditions, while real wages stagnate and fall. Job loss and deindustrialization destroyed Midwest metropolises like Detroit and Flint and made life a living hell for their majority-black populations.

Now the UAW contract has expired, and a strike is underway to fight for what UAW president Shawn Fain calls “audacious” demands. He says he wants an end to tiers, restored benefits, a huge pay raise and lots of other things workers desperately need…but he’s already backtracking. He lowered the wage demands, and now has shut down only a few plants. This “strategy” is a dive that weakens the strike, minimizing the impact on the bosses. The question is: What strategy is necessary to win and why is Fain backing down?

What Fain said he’d fight for sounds good, and if the UAW wins it, it’ll be a victory for workers everywhere. But winning the things Fain promised will require a hard battle that strikes at the core of the American economy while the U.S. ruling class is desperately trying to restore its economic dominance, and the car companies are struggling to compete internationally. The bosses won’t give up easily. In this context, the fight to significantly improve workers’ living standards must be organized for what it is: a fundamental clash of class interests. (read more)

For the longstanding “crime” in racist capitalist America of a black man getting too close to a white woman, six Mississippi cops, self-labelled the “Goon Squad,” inflicted on two black men hours of perverse racist sexual assault and torture reminiscent of the KKK lynch mob “tarring and feathering” that terrorized black communities in the South a century ago. In an attempt to cover for their grotesque crimes, these cops did what cops normally do: they planted drugs on their victims. Earlier this month, in what seems like an anomaly to most, the six white cops pled guilty to assaulting Michael Jenkins and Eddie Parker.

Make no mistake, it’s not a matter of a few bad apples, rogue racist cops or isolated instances confined to the “red states” of the South. The entire capitalist state is the goon squad for the racist capitalist rulers and commits crimes like this on a regular basis. Recall that it was five black cops that tortured and murdered Tyre Nichols in Memphis. Two weeks ago, cops of various backgrounds were busted in Antioch and Pittsburg, California, for hunting down and siccing dogs on black people and others for “fun.” The same Fulton County Jail in Georgia where Trump’s mugshot was taken is notorious for the many gruesome deaths of mainly black prisoners. These and countless other examples show that what was exposed in Mississippi is only the tip of the iceberg: Enough! The true crimes of the capitalist state must be exposed to all!

Everyone can see that the struggle against police brutality is at a standstill. Three years ago, there was an enormous swell of anger, with millions protesting against racist cop killings. Yet today, there is no real fightback. So, what happened? The BLM movement was organized on the basis of a slogan that was an empty sentiment that could be endorsed by anyone with absolutely no consequences. Everybody could say Black Lives Matter, keep calm and carry on. From Bezos to Biden to U.S. banks, all fly the BLM banner while they continue to exploit black people, the working class and the oppressed here and across the world. For decades, every movement against innumerable police atrocities has fallen flat on its face—they have all pushed schemes to put more black faces in city office or in control of the police, working for the same capitalist government that enforces racial segregation and repression. Their strategy is based on building coalitions with progressive politicians who lie to your face while stabbing you in the back. (read more)

Everyone can see that there’s a crisis and that conditions in the U.S. are only worsening, from housing to health care. Pensions are basically nonexistent and working people have astronomical debt. The working class is discontented but strikes to try to improve their immiserated conditions have not managed to fundamentally change anything for the working class. The country is heavily divided over which capitalist ruler should screw them, Biden or Trump. Both choices are repugnant to many workers. The Democrats’ main selling point is that Biden is not Trump. Biden is desperate to keep everything from falling apart before the elections. The last thing that “the most pro-union president” wants is a major union battle with the ILWU or Teamsters, which would cause a crisis. Crushing it would not bode well for Biden’s poll numbers. On the other side Trump is no better. Some workers sympathetic to striking think the way to stick it to Biden and the Establishment is to vote for Trump. But with all his anti-Establishment rhetoric and appeals to the working class, Trump’s loyalty lies with the bosses in charge of this country.

So what is needed? Clearly the politicians don’t have the answers and are only gearing up to make things worse. The real battle is not “democracy” vs. “autocracy” or Biden vs. Trump, but workers vs. the Establishment! The way to change things is for labor to be an independent force that fights for itself. This could not only provide pay raises but it could change the total trajectory of this country. The purpose of the deals being dangled in the face of the workers is to prevent this. UPS, ILWU workers, vote “no”!

With economic crisis and a presidential election on the horizon, the bosses are trying to corral the workers movement (especially supply chain workers) into submission, either with a carrot in the case of these contracts, or with the stick, as with the crushing of the rail workers last year. These strategic workforces could cause the most trouble for the government. This is what lies behind the bribe of substantial pay raises being offered to the Teamsters and ILWU. The bureaucrats argue that the deals are a victory, but in actuality accepting these deals means that the labor movement surrenders! These offers are not a show of the strength of the union, they are a sign of the weakness of the enemy. Biden is very unpopular and is desperately trying to buy peace in the lead-up to the elections. Instead of taking advantage of this opportunity, getting the most concessions, and changing the balance of forces for the class as a whole, the bureaucrats insist that these deals are the best that can be done. At bottom the bureaucracy is pushing these contracts because of their strategy to not challenge Biden or the capitalist order. (read more)

La situación de la mujer en México es simplemente horrible: violencia doméstica, violaciones, desapariciones forzadas, asesinatos. Tal es el caso de Milagros Monserrat, que fue apuñalada y se desangró hasta morir en las calles de León, Guanajuato, a plena luz del día el pasado 10 de agosto. Es claro que el llamado urgente de las mujeres es por acabar con esto. Pero, ¿cómo? Nosotros llamamos por ¡pistolas para las mujeres! como una demanda inmediata para protegerse de la violencia cotidiana brutal. Que las mujeres estén armadas tendría un impacto directo en el número de ataques al hacer que los potenciales agresores lo piensen dos veces antes de actuar. Como dicen: Dios creó al hombre y la mujer, y Samuel Colt los hizo iguales.

Con este llamado desafiamos directamente al paternalismo machista que considera que las mujeres tienen que depender de los hombres y del estado burgués para su defensa. A su vez se contrapone a los esquemas fallidos impulsados por las feministas y los populistas: llamados por más seguridad (lo cual significa más policía en las calles), separación de hombres y mujeres en el transporte y en las marchas, rogarle al gobierno que implemente reformas mínimas. El llamado por armar a las mujeres reta el monopolio de la violencia por parte del estado capitalista mexicano —la policía, las cárceles, el ejército y los tribunales— que sirve para mantener el dominio y las ganancias de la clase explotadora. Su interés no está en luchar por la liberación de la mujer, sino en perpetuar la opresión. (continuar leyendo)

Union-busting ex-Prime Minister Paul Keating is living proof that traitors to the working class can oppose AUKUS. But to support and champion AUKUS, as Anthony Albanese and his gang of Labor Ministers and other hangers-on do, is to necessarily be a traitor to the working class. These oily servants of the bosses have no place in the workers movement and must be driven out of the Labor Party. One pacifist internal grouping, Labor Against War (LAW), is calling for a pushback against AUKUS. What that pushback consists of remains undefined. Well, we have an answer. To LAW and the growing numbers who are against this reactionary alliance, we say: You cannot fight AUKUS in league with those who support it! We must fight together now to expunge the AUKUS-lovers from the ALP!

AUKUS portends nothing but catastrophe for workers the world over, from Australia to Southeast Asia, China, the U.S. and Britain. Hell, for Australian workers it can only lead to massive job losses from the breakdown of China/Australia trade and to war, in which the U.S. spy bases in Australia would be an immediate target. Likewise, for Chinese workers AUKUS is a clear and present danger to their very existence.

There is an increasing polarisation within the ALP over the question of AUKUS. It would be a good thing and an act of political hygiene to drive out the pro-imperialist bootlickers currently running Labor. Only spineless sycophants of the Labor machine would oppose this. Although a step forward, a split with AUKUS supporters would not be our split. Our aim is not a cleaned-up/pacifist ALP but a revolutionary party. That said, putting the pacifists in charge would make it easier to show youth and workers that the real obstacle to fighting imperialism and war are not the AUKUS-lovers but the program of left Laborism. (read more)